By Martin Mevius
After 1945, nation patriotism of the communist regimes in jap Europe was once characterised through the common use of nationwide symbols. In communist Hungary the celebration (MKP) commonly celebrated nationwide vacations, nationwide heroes, erected nationwide statues, and hired nationwide road names. This 'socialist patriotism' had its starting place within the 'national line' of the Comintern, verified on Soviet directions following the German invasion of the Soviet Union. at the moment Stalin referred to as the events of the Comintern to oppose the Germans by way of issuing the decision for nationwide liberation. This coverage persevered after 1945 whilst, as an reduction within the fight for strength, the MKP provided itself as either the 'heir to the traditions of the international locations' and the 'only precise consultant of the curiosity of the Hungarian people'. mockingly besides the fact that, the Soviet origins of the nationwide line have been additionally one of many major stumbling blocks to its good fortune because the MKP couldn't recommend nationwide calls for if those conflicted with Soviet pursuits. Martin Mevius' pioneering learn unearths that what had begun as a tactical degree in 1941 had develop into the self-image of occasion and kingdom in 1953 and that the final word loyalty to the Soviet Union labored to the detriment of the nationwide social gathering - the MKP by no means rid itself of the label 'agents of Moscow'.
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Additional info for Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs)
Dimitrov looked at me with a little amazement, and answered: of course. 7 Corresponding instructions were immediately sent out to the national sections. 9 He commanded the French party to contact the Gaullist movement on the basis of a ‘joint struggle for national liberation’, and demanded in strong terms that they should desist from Socialist agitation: ‘Yet again we insist on the absolute necessity to avoid in your agitation the presentation of the war between Germany and the Soviet Union as a war between the Capitalist system and the Socialist system.
The programme declaration was, as its title implied, a conscious attempt to take the wind out of the sails of the National Socialists. Signiﬁcantly, it had not been drafted by the German party itself. 41 Though text was added to the ﬁnal version in Germany, one of the KPD’s most important programmatical documents of the s had been devised by the Comintern. , Like the Bolsheviks, the German Communist Party exploited national sentiments when necessary. This was true of other sections of the Comintern as well.
Socialism in one country’ was not a rallying cry sufﬁcient to create a sense of loyalty towards the Union as a whole. With the largest part of the population prevented from beneﬁting from korenezatsiya, that policy did not succeed in creating a sense of patriotism either. On the contrary, it could easily have the opposite effect by strengthening local nationalism. Despite supporting national minorities, the Bolsheviks were wary of the nationalities. Stalin feared his own nationalities policy would backﬁre by turning Bolsheviks into nationalists rather than the other way round.