By Sarwar A. Kashmeri
American international coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything particularly amiss with the European-American courting that multilateralism won't repair. no longer actual, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is useless, can't be fastened, and has to be renegotiated. It has no longer grown to house Europe's emergence as a big energy. a type of usa of Europe, with overseas priorities assorted from these of the USA, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the United States remains to be forging overseas coverage for Europe utilizing chilly warfare realities; either Democrats and Republicans count on the eu Union to fall into step, and record for provider as neededвЂ”under American leadership.
Europe, in spite of the fact that, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the international degree, competing visions of ecu management have emerged. The Iraq warfare has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq was once extra approximately French-British pageant for management of Europe than it used to be a couple of department among American targets and ecu pursuits. He portrays British international coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. as a result of Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American designated courting. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in line with a different dating with the eu Union. This schedule is galvanized through the innovations of the leaders who spoke to the writer in particular for this booklet, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British top minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley okay. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Additional resources for America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
I was once told by a Washington publisher that George H. W. Bush became president because of his thoughtfulness in writing notes to each and every person he met. His skill at generating personal ties was illustrated by the fact that during the first Gulf War he had put together, using his personal contacts and the telephone, the unprecedented European-Arab-American coalition to evict Saddam Hussein from Kuwait. His son, now president, seemed not to have those skills. So I asked Baker whether he and the elder Bush, if they had still been in office at this important crossroads for the alliance, indeed for the world, they wouldn’t have picked up the telephone, dialed the 20 America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq French President, and invited themselves over for breakfast to cut through the grandstanding that was going on?
Hagel had discussed Iraq with European leaders for months and says there was no European leader who needed to be convinced about the Lessons from Iraq 29 brutality of Saddam Hussein’s regime; not one believed he could be rehabilitated. Given this transatlantic unanimity of opinion on Iraq, it should have been the perfect crisis around which to build an AmericanEuropean consensus. But then it became a question of how and when to remove Hussein, and the strategy and tactics of “taking care” of him, and that is when it [the consensus] broke down.
This “clubby” feeling, carefully nurtured over fifty years by generations of soldiers and statesmen, is a powerful generator of goodwill for both sides. In an unprecedented display of solidarity, on September 12, 2001—just one day after the attacks of September 11—NATO, acting under its Article 5 authorization, authorized the dispatch of five NATO airborne surveillance planes and two hundred military personnel to help patrol the United States’ East Coast, in a marginally useful but highly symbolic demonstration of transatlantic solidarity.