By David Ryan, Patrick Kiely
This edited quantity presents an outline on US involvement in Iraq from the 1958 Iraqi coup to the present-day, supplying a deeper context to the present clash.
Using various leading edge tips on how to interrogate US overseas coverage, ideology and tradition, the publication presents a huge set of reflections on prior, current and destiny implications of US-Iraqi relatives, and particularly the strategic implications for US policy-making. In doing so, it examines a number of key facets of courting akin to: the 1958 Iraqi Revolution; the influence of the 1967 Arab-Israeli struggle; the influence of the Nixon Doctrine at the local stability of energy; US makes an attempt at rapprochement in the course of the Eighties; the 1990-91 Gulf conflict; and, eventually, sanctions and inspections. research of the modern Iraq trouble units US plans opposed to the ‘reality’ they confronted within the nation, and explores either makes an attempt to convey defense to Iraq, and the results of failure.
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Extra info for America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics since 1958 (Contemporary Security Studies)
Second, Eisenhower worried that such an intervention would stretch the limits of his constitutional powers. 20 Most importantly, there was world public opinion. Eisenhower feared that overt military intervention to provoke regime change would isolate the United States morally and politically. He had pulled the plug on the Suez invasion two years earlier largely because its blatant neocolonialism threatened American efforts to win friends and allies in the Third World. ’21 The same concern inspired restraint in 1958.
The most contentious issue concerned Arab unity. 14 The differences on this issue were exemplified by the two most prominent leaders of the Iraqi Revolution: ‘Abd al-Karim Qasim and Abd al-Salam ‘Arif. Qasim was the highest-ranking officer involved in the coup. He emerged as head of the new Iraqi regime almost immediately. ‘Arif was Qasim’s subordinate, but also his rival. The most divisive issue between them concerned Iraq’s relationship to Nasser. ‘Arif, generally speaking, had panArabist sympathies.
Overthrowing Qasim without a strong alternative would merely provoke chaos. 57 While publicly reassuring Qasim about US intentions, the Eisenhower administration secretly nurtured contacts with his opponents. It did not have to look hard to find them. The capitals of the UAR, Jordan, and Lebanon were littered with committees of Iraqi exiles, supported by one or other foreign government, plotting ways and means of returning to power. Jordan’s King Hussein, working with Iran, pursued his dream of restoring Hashemite rule in Iraq.